Chronic fatigue syndrome: The male disorder that became a female disorder

Previously long-term fatigue was considered a male disorder caused by societal pressures. Today women comprise the majority of ME patients, and they feel that their condition is their own fault.

Throughout history some people have suffered from a lack of energy and long-term, physical fatigue. Today these symptoms are classified as myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) or chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS).

It is commonly thought that chronic fatigue has mainly psychological causes and that it affects perfectionistic women who cannot live up to their own unreasonably high standards.

This has not always been the case. Just over 100 years ago it was primarily upper class men in intellectual professions who were affected. “Neurasthenia,” as the condition was called at the time, was a physical diagnosis with high status.

No longer legitimate

“The medical understanding of long-term fatigue has changed. Previously the condition was viewed as a typically male disorder; now it is perceived as a typically female disorder. The diagnosis of neurasthenia, which has a male connotation, was changed to the ME diagnosis, which has a female connotation,” explains Olaug S. Lian, a sociologist and professor at UiT The Arctic University of Norway.

Together with Hilde Bondevik of the University of Oslo, Lian has studied how the view of women and perceptions of the body, gender and femininity in two different historical periods have been manifested in the medical understanding of long-term chronic fatigue.

“Long-term fatigue was viewed as a legitimate disorder, a result of the heroic efforts of the upper class male. Today, it is a stigmatizing disorder, understood as an expression of women’s lack of ability to cope with their lives, a kind of breach of character,” says Lian.

Not only has the fatigued patient changed gender. Previously doctors believed that long-term fatigue was a neurological, physical disorder, while today it is categorized primarily as psychological in nature. And while in the past, society was thought to be the cause of the disorder, today the individual is supposedly to blame.

What happened to cause this change?

Upper class diagnosis

At the end of the 1800s neurasthenia was the most widespread diagnosis for long-term fatigue. Neurologists believed the condition was caused by a physical, neurological disease that affected the entire body, causing intense, long-term fatigue.

Although women were also diagnosed with the disorder, the typical patient was a man, and not just any kind of man. He was “civilized, refined, and educated, rather than of the barbarous and low-born and untrained,” according to neurologist George Beard.

Society was to blame

Doctors at the time believed that the cause of the disorder could be found in a rapidly changing society — urbanization, industrialization and women’s entry into working life.

Quite simply, modern civilization ran roughshod over the nervous system of upper class men, who were overstimulated by too much pressure and activity and too little sleep and rest.

“It was regarded as both legitimate and understandable that even the ‘great men’ could fall apart as a result of long-term, difficult intellectual work. It was viewed as positive that the body sent signals when the burden was too great. The body was viewed as an electrical fuse box and the thinking was that it was better for one fuse to burn out rather than for the house to catch on fire,” says Lian.

Different genders, different causes

The comments about the diagnosis also revealed past understandings of biological gender differences. Women could get neurasthenia from sexual frustration, while men could get it from excessive sexual activity, including masturbation.

Moreover, there was a connection between gender and class.

“To simplify a bit, we can say that it was mainly middle class men and working class women whose diagnosis of neurasthenia was explained by overwork. For working class men it was due to sexual escapades, and for middle class women the cause given was heredity or ‘women’s issues’,” explains Lian.

The fall of neurasthenia

Neurasthenia lost its popularity as a diagnosis in the early 1900s. One reason for this was that psychiatry became a medical field in its own right.

“Psychiatry took neurasthenia with it and changed its definition from a physical to a psychological condition. Since women were regarded as psychologically weaker and therefore more disposed to mental illness, the disorder became a female problem,” says Lian.

Fight over definitions

Today ME is the most common name for the disorder, defined as long-term, intense fatigue that cannot be directly linked to a well-defined illness and that does not disappear with rest. The condition is chronic, it cannot be cured with medical treatment and there is disagreement as to the cause.

“The lack of scientifically generated findings, medical explanations and effective treatment make ME a diagnosis with low status and low legitimacy within the medical community,” says Lian.

Currently the main theory is that ME results from an inability to handle stress and that perfectionistic people — the “good girls” — are especially at risk. The debate about how ME should be understood and explained is highly polarized, between those who believe that it is an illness caused by infections or vaccination and those who believe that ME has mainly psychological causes.

“I would like to see some humility about what we actually know about the disorder and not present value judgments as facts. Doctors must also be honest and acknowledge that we have very little hard-and-fast knowledge about this condition,” states Lian.

Blame and shame

The two historical periods have almost identical depictions of the phenomenon of long-term fatigue, although the names are different. But there is one important difference: the disorder is no longer regarded as a legitimate, anticipated outcome of overwork.

“Today the medical community is searching for explanations of ME at the individual level. The ME patient is depicted as a woman with five-star goals and four-star abilities — with character traits that make it hard for them to cope with their own lives,” says Lian.

“When the entire problem is seen as the patient’s fault, the person experiences blame and shame because it is the patient, not society, who is the cause of the illness. It is therefore the individual who is responsible for coping with the illness, such as by changing her own thought patterns,” says Lian.

Wrong kind of tired

She points out that the ability to cope with one’s own life is an important value in Western culture. Mental disorders, however, are associated with weakness. The current understanding of long-term fatigue is also linked to how we think about tiredness, according to Lian.

“There are strong norms for when you are allowed to be tired and worn out and how you are supposed to show tiredness in daily life. If you have been awake all night with a sick infant, you have a good reason to be tired at work. Other reasons are less legitimate. Workplace reports of absence never state that someone is at the psychologist, while it is completely acceptable to say that someone is at the dentist.”

“Being tired for the wrong reasons is seen as a sign of weakness, which must be overcome and hidden. It is in this context that we must understand the medical theories on a lack of coping ability and the objections of ME patients to these theories,” says Lian.

She believes such norms often make ME patients feel that the psychological explanation is a burden, although doctors do not necessarily mean for it to have this affect.

“What is it about the ME debate that makes the opposing sides so obstinate?”

“The doctors and patients talk past each other. The doctors think that an ME diagnosis is value neutral, but the patient hears ‘it’s my fault that I am sick and it’s my responsible to get better’. But although most people feel that mental disorders have lower value than somatic disorders, it is not a given that the doctors do,” says Lian.

Gendered explanation disappeared?

Although about three of four people who are diagnosed with ME today are women, the explicit, biology-based gendered explanations have disappeared from the debate, according to Lian.

“This may simply be because today we put greater focus on gender equality — which makes it less legitimate to claim that women are naturally inferior to men,” says Lian.

However, she believes that the ME diagnosis embodies a view of women that has long historical roots.

“The profile of the upper class woman from the 1800s who cannot cope with pressure and stress both inside and outside the home is still with us today,” says Lian.

Cultural bias

“How can your analysis contribute to the current debate about ME?”

“We show how the medical understanding of fatigue and lack of energy is impacted by the norms and values of society at large, for example, that medical knowledge reflects the view of women in our culture. Norms and values combine with biomedical knowledge in a way that makes it difficult to see what is what,” says Lian.

 

Source: KILDEN – Information Centre for Gender Research in Norway. (2014, February 20). Chronic fatigue syndrome: The male disorder that became a female disorder. ScienceDaily. Retrieved March 4, 2017 from https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2014/02/140220083145.htm

 

Medical constructions of long-term exhaustion, past and present

Abstract:

Culture and history affect the ways in which medical knowledge is shaped, sustained and changed. The less knowledge we have, the larger the space for the cultural imprint becomes. Based on these assumptions, we ask: how have medical constructions of long-term exhaustion changed over time, and how are changing constructions related to societal change? To discuss these questions we conducted a comparative study of medical texts from two historical periods: 1860-1930 and 1970-2013.

Our data are limited to two diagnoses: neurasthenia and encephalomyelitis. After comparing the two periods by identifying diverging and converging aspects, we interpreted observed continuities and interruptions in relation to historical developments. We found that in the medical literature, long-term exhaustion became transformed from a somatic ailment bred by modern civilisation to a self-inflicted psychiatric ailment. At the same time, it changed from being a male-connoted high-status condition to a female-connoted low-status condition. We interpret these changes as contingent upon culturally available modes of interpretations. Medical knowledge thereby becomes infused with cultural norms and values which give them a distinct cultural bias. The historical controversies surrounding this medically contested condition neatly display the socially contingent factors that govern the social construction of medical knowledge.

© 2015 The Authors. Sociology of Health & Illness published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Foundation for SHIL.

 

Source: Lian OS, Bondevik H. Medical constructions of long-term exhaustion, past and present. Sociol Health Illn. 2015 Jul;37(6):920-35. doi: 10.1111/1467-9566.12249. Epub 2015 Apr 24. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25912053

 

History of chronic fatigue syndrome

Abstract:

Chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) is not a new disease. Similar morbidities have been known as different names since past several centuries. For example, neurasthenia, epidemic neuromyasthenia, myalgic encephalomyelitis, Akureyri disease, Royal Free disease, chronic EBV disease, post-viral fatigue syndrome etc. Much of the recent interest in CFS was generated by incidence of infection-like outbreak at Lake Tahoe in Nevada. The Center for Disease Control (USA) realized that correlation was poor between those patients who had virologic evidence of EBV infection and those who had the symptoms of chronic fatigue. This is a review of the history of CFS. (1) Historical perspectives in chronic fatigue cases in past old period, (2) Post-viral infectious fatigue and chronic fatigue (myalgic encephalomyelitis), (3) Recent trend of CFS studies and its clinical similar situation. Finally, I would like to state that we intend to draw up a new diagnostic guideline for CFS in Japan.

 

Source: Hashimoto N. History of chronic fatigue syndrome. Nihon Rinsho. 2007 Jun;65(6):975-82. [Article in Japanese] https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/17561685

 

Mark Twain and his family’s health: Livy Clemens’ neurasthenia in the gilded age and chronic fatigue syndrome of today

Abstract:

Our purpose is to compare and contrast the 19th century diagnosis and disease neurasthenia with the contemporary illness known as Chronic Fatigue Syndrome. The health of Mark Twain’s wife, Olivia (Livy) Clemens, will then be discussed and evaluated with respect to these two medical conditions.

 

Source: Arcari R, Crombie HD. Mark Twain and his family’s health: Livy Clemens’ neurasthenia in the gilded age and chronic fatigue syndrome of today. Conn Med. 2003 May;67(5):293-6. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12802844

 

On the history of the concept neurasthenia and its modern variants chronic-fatigue-syndrome, fibromyalgia and multiple chemical sensitivities

Abstract:

This article deals with the history of the terminological and nosological development of the concept neurasthenia introduced in 1869 by George Miller Beard and in particular with its reappearance in western medicine in the 1980 s. Beginning with its predecessors in antiquity and continuing with hypochondria, which became a fashionable disease in the 18 th century, the concept neurasthenia reached a high point and world-wide medical acceptance at the end of the 19 th/beginning of the 20 th century. However, between the 1930 s and 1960 s it declined in popularity and gradually disappeared until finally it only had a rudimentary nosological role in the term “pseudoneurasthenia”. In the countries of the Far East, on the contrary, the concept of neurasthenia has been in continual use since its importation in the first decades of the last century. In the 1980 s, when an interest in the symptoms of chronic fatigue was reawakened in western medicine, the concept neurasthenia reappeared, this time to define the particular form of a neurotic disorder.

Parallel to these developments increasing importance was attached to clinical descriptions of illnesses which on account of their similarity to the symptoms of neurasthenia could be termed modern variants of the concept neurasthenia. These are “Chronic-Fatigue-Syndrome”, “Fibromyalgia” and “Multiple Chemical Sensitivities” which have more or less adopted the organic inheritance of Beard’s former concept of neurasthenia, despite the fact that so far the question of organicity could not be decisively answered in a single case. In order to clarify possible influences on the development of the concept neurasthenia and its variants, the theories and ideas of E. Shorter, medical historian at the University of Toronto, are discussed in the final part of the article, whereby the particular cultural background in each case has a decisive influence on the manifestation of the psychosomatic symptoms.

 

Source: Schäfer ML. On the history of the concept neurasthenia and its modern variants chronic-fatigue-syndrome, fibromyalgia and multiple chemical sensitivities. Fortschr Neurol Psychiatr. 2002 Nov;70(11):570-82. [Article in German] http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12410427

 

Feminist perspectives on the social construction of chronic fatigue syndrome

Abstract:

We contrast Western medical views of chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) etiology, diagnosis, and treatment with views maintained by a predominantly female CFS population. We argue that the failure of Western medicine to demonstrate a viral etiology for CFS led to a paradigmatic shift in research perspectives, which then embraced psychiatric and sociocultural explanations for CFS. As a result, CFS was delegitimized as a biomedical phenomenon within medical, academic, governmental, and public arenas.

We compare alternative social constructions of CFS with issues pertaining to multiple sclerosis (MS), an illness that similarly predominates among women. Patient perspectives suggest that the history of medical attitudes toward CFS may eventually parallel the transformations that occurred in relation to MS. In particular, the discovery of biological markers for CFS may lay to rest the categorization of CFS as largely within the psychiatric realm.

 

Source: Richman JA, Jason LA, Taylor RR, Jahn SC. Feminist perspectives on the social construction of chronic fatigue syndrome. Health Care Women Int. 2000 Apr-May;21(3):173-85. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/11111464

 

Chronic fatigue syndrome. CDC struggles to recover from debacle over earmark

Comment on: Misallocation of CDC funds. [Science. 2000]

 

(This article in Science covers the misallocation of several million dollars intended for research into ME/CFS.)

“In the wake of the government inquiry, CDC has drawn up a “reinvigoration plan” to understand the disease. The new strategy, to be finalized in February after a series of hearings, includes a nationwide study of the prevalence of CFS and efforts to increase awareness of the disease.”

You can read the full article here: http://www.ganino.com/games/Science/science%20magazine%201999-2000/root/data/Science%201999-2000/pdf/2000_v287_n5450/p5450_0022.pdf

 

Source: Enserink M. Chronic fatigue syndrome. CDC struggles to recover from debacle over earmark. Science. 2000 Jan 7;287(5450):22-3. http://www.ganino.com/games/Science/science%20magazine%201999-2000/root/data/Science%201999-2000/pdf/2000_v287_n5450/p5450_0022.pdf

Case of chronic fatigue syndrome after Crimean war and Indian mutiny

Chronic fatigue syndrome was first proposed as a diagnostic label in 1988 to classify a disorder characterised by severe fatigue and exhaustion after minimal physical and mental effort accompanied by other unexplained somatic symptoms.1 It was introduced partly as an acceptable clinical alternative to the term myalgic encephalomyelitis, which described a similar presentation and had been coined in 1956 in the aftermath of an outbreak of illness among the nursing and medical staff of the Royal Free Hospital.2 The condition was widely assumed to be a new addition to the medical scene. In the popular press, and occasionally in the professional publications, attempts have been made to explain chronic fatigue syndrome as a product of the unwelcome features of modern life, such as pollution, stress, working practices, and new infections.

You can read the full article here: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1127098/

 

Source: Jones E, Wessely S. Case of chronic fatigue syndrome after Crimean war and Indian mutiny. BMJ. 1999 Dec 18-25;319(7225):1645-7. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1127098/ (Full article)

Neurasthenia, yesterday and today

Abstract:

Neurasthenia was described and explained in very mechanistic terms, at the end of the 19th century, by G.M. Beard to account for physical and mental exhaustion and for varied somatic troubles imputed to failure of too much solicited nervous resources. This concept was then universally adopted and gave rise to diverse interpretations, among which was the Freud’s one. Later, in Occident, came a deterioration, the diagnostic of neurasthenia giving way to those of anxious or affective disorders. In the same time, at least for ideological and cultural reasons, the concept remained lively in Russia and in Asia. During the last decade the western psychiatry has been led to accept that there are clinical situations focussed on fatigue and fatigability, even if it coined for them new terminologies (post-infectious fatigue, chronic fatigue syndrome, etc.) and while DSMs keep on ignoring neurasthenia, the ICD 10 gives it an important place.

 

Source: Pichot P. Neurasthenia, yesterday and today. Encephale. 1994 Nov;20 Spec No 3:545-9.[Article in French] http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/7843049

 

The chronic fatigue syndrome: what do we know?

Abnormally persistent or recurrent fatigue is a feature of many disorders. Recently, particular attention has been devoted to people whose life is dominated by protracted and disabling fatigue. Such cases are now usually categorised as the chronic fatigue syndrome, the postviral fatigue syndrome, or myalgic encephalomyelitis. Two recent publications bring together current ideas on the topic.

The historical background is important. Although the chronic fatigue syndrome has been advanced as a malaise of the latter part of this century, such cases are not a new phenomenon: they were particularly common during the latter part of the last century. The New York physician George Beard applied the label “neurasthenia” to them although the term was more widely used. After becoming an exceedingly common diagnosis it waned at the time of the first world war.

This first wave in the history of chronic fatigue was followed by a second wave, which can be dated to 1934. Nevertheless, cases of chronic fatigue did not simply disappear in the intervening period. The “effort syndrome” had a considerable vogue at that time. “Fibrositis,” a term introduced by Sir William Gowers in 1894 to designate the occurrence of diffuse muscle aching and pain without detectable explanation, evolved into “fibromyalgia.” This currently popular diagnosis has many overlapping features with the chronic fatigue syndrome, as did the effort syndrome.

You can read the rest of this article here: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1677985/pdf/bmj00024-0007.pdf

 

Comment in:

Functional hypoglycaemia postulated as cause of chronic fatigue syndrome. [BMJ. 1993]

Chronic fatigue syndrome. [BMJ. 1993]

 

Source: Thomas PK. The chronic fatigue syndrome: what do we know? BMJ. 1993 Jun 12;306(6892):1557-8. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1677985/