Chronic fatigue syndrome: The male disorder that became a female disorder

Previously long-term fatigue was considered a male disorder caused by societal pressures. Today women comprise the majority of ME patients, and they feel that their condition is their own fault.

Throughout history some people have suffered from a lack of energy and long-term, physical fatigue. Today these symptoms are classified as myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) or chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS).

It is commonly thought that chronic fatigue has mainly psychological causes and that it affects perfectionistic women who cannot live up to their own unreasonably high standards.

This has not always been the case. Just over 100 years ago it was primarily upper class men in intellectual professions who were affected. “Neurasthenia,” as the condition was called at the time, was a physical diagnosis with high status.

No longer legitimate

“The medical understanding of long-term fatigue has changed. Previously the condition was viewed as a typically male disorder; now it is perceived as a typically female disorder. The diagnosis of neurasthenia, which has a male connotation, was changed to the ME diagnosis, which has a female connotation,” explains Olaug S. Lian, a sociologist and professor at UiT The Arctic University of Norway.

Together with Hilde Bondevik of the University of Oslo, Lian has studied how the view of women and perceptions of the body, gender and femininity in two different historical periods have been manifested in the medical understanding of long-term chronic fatigue.

“Long-term fatigue was viewed as a legitimate disorder, a result of the heroic efforts of the upper class male. Today, it is a stigmatizing disorder, understood as an expression of women’s lack of ability to cope with their lives, a kind of breach of character,” says Lian.

Not only has the fatigued patient changed gender. Previously doctors believed that long-term fatigue was a neurological, physical disorder, while today it is categorized primarily as psychological in nature. And while in the past, society was thought to be the cause of the disorder, today the individual is supposedly to blame.

What happened to cause this change?

Upper class diagnosis

At the end of the 1800s neurasthenia was the most widespread diagnosis for long-term fatigue. Neurologists believed the condition was caused by a physical, neurological disease that affected the entire body, causing intense, long-term fatigue.

Although women were also diagnosed with the disorder, the typical patient was a man, and not just any kind of man. He was “civilized, refined, and educated, rather than of the barbarous and low-born and untrained,” according to neurologist George Beard.

Society was to blame

Doctors at the time believed that the cause of the disorder could be found in a rapidly changing society — urbanization, industrialization and women’s entry into working life.

Quite simply, modern civilization ran roughshod over the nervous system of upper class men, who were overstimulated by too much pressure and activity and too little sleep and rest.

“It was regarded as both legitimate and understandable that even the ‘great men’ could fall apart as a result of long-term, difficult intellectual work. It was viewed as positive that the body sent signals when the burden was too great. The body was viewed as an electrical fuse box and the thinking was that it was better for one fuse to burn out rather than for the house to catch on fire,” says Lian.

Different genders, different causes

The comments about the diagnosis also revealed past understandings of biological gender differences. Women could get neurasthenia from sexual frustration, while men could get it from excessive sexual activity, including masturbation.

Moreover, there was a connection between gender and class.

“To simplify a bit, we can say that it was mainly middle class men and working class women whose diagnosis of neurasthenia was explained by overwork. For working class men it was due to sexual escapades, and for middle class women the cause given was heredity or ‘women’s issues’,” explains Lian.

The fall of neurasthenia

Neurasthenia lost its popularity as a diagnosis in the early 1900s. One reason for this was that psychiatry became a medical field in its own right.

“Psychiatry took neurasthenia with it and changed its definition from a physical to a psychological condition. Since women were regarded as psychologically weaker and therefore more disposed to mental illness, the disorder became a female problem,” says Lian.

Fight over definitions

Today ME is the most common name for the disorder, defined as long-term, intense fatigue that cannot be directly linked to a well-defined illness and that does not disappear with rest. The condition is chronic, it cannot be cured with medical treatment and there is disagreement as to the cause.

“The lack of scientifically generated findings, medical explanations and effective treatment make ME a diagnosis with low status and low legitimacy within the medical community,” says Lian.

Currently the main theory is that ME results from an inability to handle stress and that perfectionistic people — the “good girls” — are especially at risk. The debate about how ME should be understood and explained is highly polarized, between those who believe that it is an illness caused by infections or vaccination and those who believe that ME has mainly psychological causes.

“I would like to see some humility about what we actually know about the disorder and not present value judgments as facts. Doctors must also be honest and acknowledge that we have very little hard-and-fast knowledge about this condition,” states Lian.

Blame and shame

The two historical periods have almost identical depictions of the phenomenon of long-term fatigue, although the names are different. But there is one important difference: the disorder is no longer regarded as a legitimate, anticipated outcome of overwork.

“Today the medical community is searching for explanations of ME at the individual level. The ME patient is depicted as a woman with five-star goals and four-star abilities — with character traits that make it hard for them to cope with their own lives,” says Lian.

“When the entire problem is seen as the patient’s fault, the person experiences blame and shame because it is the patient, not society, who is the cause of the illness. It is therefore the individual who is responsible for coping with the illness, such as by changing her own thought patterns,” says Lian.

Wrong kind of tired

She points out that the ability to cope with one’s own life is an important value in Western culture. Mental disorders, however, are associated with weakness. The current understanding of long-term fatigue is also linked to how we think about tiredness, according to Lian.

“There are strong norms for when you are allowed to be tired and worn out and how you are supposed to show tiredness in daily life. If you have been awake all night with a sick infant, you have a good reason to be tired at work. Other reasons are less legitimate. Workplace reports of absence never state that someone is at the psychologist, while it is completely acceptable to say that someone is at the dentist.”

“Being tired for the wrong reasons is seen as a sign of weakness, which must be overcome and hidden. It is in this context that we must understand the medical theories on a lack of coping ability and the objections of ME patients to these theories,” says Lian.

She believes such norms often make ME patients feel that the psychological explanation is a burden, although doctors do not necessarily mean for it to have this affect.

“What is it about the ME debate that makes the opposing sides so obstinate?”

“The doctors and patients talk past each other. The doctors think that an ME diagnosis is value neutral, but the patient hears ‘it’s my fault that I am sick and it’s my responsible to get better’. But although most people feel that mental disorders have lower value than somatic disorders, it is not a given that the doctors do,” says Lian.

Gendered explanation disappeared?

Although about three of four people who are diagnosed with ME today are women, the explicit, biology-based gendered explanations have disappeared from the debate, according to Lian.

“This may simply be because today we put greater focus on gender equality — which makes it less legitimate to claim that women are naturally inferior to men,” says Lian.

However, she believes that the ME diagnosis embodies a view of women that has long historical roots.

“The profile of the upper class woman from the 1800s who cannot cope with pressure and stress both inside and outside the home is still with us today,” says Lian.

Cultural bias

“How can your analysis contribute to the current debate about ME?”

“We show how the medical understanding of fatigue and lack of energy is impacted by the norms and values of society at large, for example, that medical knowledge reflects the view of women in our culture. Norms and values combine with biomedical knowledge in a way that makes it difficult to see what is what,” says Lian.

 

Source: KILDEN – Information Centre for Gender Research in Norway. (2014, February 20). Chronic fatigue syndrome: The male disorder that became a female disorder. ScienceDaily. Retrieved March 4, 2017 from https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2014/02/140220083145.htm

 

Experiences of general practitioner continuity among women with chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis: a cross-sectional study

Abstract:

BACKGROUND: Continuity of care is important for patients with chronic illness in need of coordinated healthcare services from multiple providers. Little is known about how patients with chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis (CFS/ME) experience continuity of GP care. This study explores how women with CFS/ME experience GP care across the three dimensions of continuity: informational, management, and relational continuity.

METHODS: This cross-sectional study uses questionnaire data collected from members of The Norwegian ME Association. Descriptive statistics and logistic regressions were used to estimate experiences of continuity, and associations with age, education, self-rated degree of CFS/ME, duration of the GP relation (GP duration), and number of GP visits for CFS/ME-related issues during the previous year (GP frequency).

RESULTS: Almost two-thirds of participants reported positive experiences across all three dimensions of GP continuity of care; 64.4% for informational, 64.1% for management, and 77.2% for relational continuity. Lower educational attainment was associated with more negative experiences of informational continuity (primary school only compared to university educated: odds ratio [OR] 0.12, confidence interval [CI] 0.03-0.49, p = 0.003). Compared to participants aged 40-59 years, those aged 60+ years were significantly less likely to have experienced poor (negative) management continuity (OR 0.25, CI 0.09-0.76, p = 0.014). A GP relationship of three or more years was associated with positive experiences of relational continuity (OR 2.32, CI 1.09-4.95, p = 0.030). Compared to those with moderate CFS/ME, those who graded their CFS/ME as severe or very severe were significantly more likely to have negative experiences of relational continuity (OR 0.38, CI 0.14-0.99, p = 0.047).

CONCLUSIONS: A large proportion of participants experienced all three aspects of continuity of GP care (especially the relational dimension) positively. Informational and management continuity scores were moderately lower. Our results suggest greater emphasis on information giving, feedback, and better coordination of care to be good strategies for practice improvement for this patient group.

 

Source: Hansen AH, Lian OS. Experiences of general practitioner continuity among women with chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis: a cross-sectional study. BMC Health Serv Res. 2016 Nov 14;16(1):650. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5109710/ (Full article)

 

How do women with chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis rate quality and coordination of healthcare services? A cross-sectional study

Abstract:

OBJECTIVE: To test the association between self-rated health and self-rated degree of chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis (CFS/ME), and CFS/ME patients’ assessment of quality of primary care, specialist care and coordination of care.

DESIGN: Cross-sectional study.

SETTING: Self-reported questionnaire data from women members of The Norwegian ME Association obtained in 2013.

PARTICIPANTS: 431 women with CFS/ME aged 16-73 years.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: The participants’ assessment of quality in primary care, specialist care and in coordination of care (good/very good or poor/very poor). Main explanatory variables: self-rated health and self-rated degree of CFS/ME.

RESULTS: Quality of care was rated poor by 60.6% in primary care, by 47.7% in specialist care, and by 71.2% regarding coordination of care. Poorer self-rated health increased the probability of rating quality in primary care poor, particularly among women 40 years and over (OR 2.38, 95% CI 1.63 to 3.49), women with university education (OR 2.57, CI 1.68 to 3.94), and owing to less frequent general practitioner (GP) visits (OR 2.46, CI 1.60 to 3.78). Poorer self-rated health increased the probability of rating quality poor in specialist care (OR 1.38, CI 1.05 to 1.82), but not in coordination of care. A more severe CFS/ME was associated with a higher probability of rating quality in primary care poor (OR 0.61, CI 0.38 to 0.93). Frequent visitors and those with a long GP relationship were less likely to report primary care quality as poor.

CONCLUSIONS: A large proportion of women with CFS/ME rated quality of care poor/very poor in primary care, specialist care and in coordination of care. The dissatisfaction was higher for primary care than for specialist care. Overall, poorer self-rated health and a more severe CFS/ME were associated with lower quality scores in primary and specialist care, but not in coordination of care. Healthcare services, as assessed by women with CFS/ME, do have a large potential for improvement.

Published by the BMJ Publishing Group Limited. For permission to use (where not already granted under a licence) please go to http://www.bmj.com/company/products-services/rights-and-licensing/

 

Source: Hansen AH, Lian OS. How do women with chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis rate quality and coordination of healthcare services? A cross-sectional study. BMJ Open. 2016 Apr 4;6(4):e010277. doi: 10.1136/bmjopen-2015-010277. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4823449/ (Full article)

 

Medical constructions of long-term exhaustion, past and present

Abstract:

Culture and history affect the ways in which medical knowledge is shaped, sustained and changed. The less knowledge we have, the larger the space for the cultural imprint becomes. Based on these assumptions, we ask: how have medical constructions of long-term exhaustion changed over time, and how are changing constructions related to societal change? To discuss these questions we conducted a comparative study of medical texts from two historical periods: 1860-1930 and 1970-2013.

Our data are limited to two diagnoses: neurasthenia and encephalomyelitis. After comparing the two periods by identifying diverging and converging aspects, we interpreted observed continuities and interruptions in relation to historical developments. We found that in the medical literature, long-term exhaustion became transformed from a somatic ailment bred by modern civilisation to a self-inflicted psychiatric ailment. At the same time, it changed from being a male-connoted high-status condition to a female-connoted low-status condition. We interpret these changes as contingent upon culturally available modes of interpretations. Medical knowledge thereby becomes infused with cultural norms and values which give them a distinct cultural bias. The historical controversies surrounding this medically contested condition neatly display the socially contingent factors that govern the social construction of medical knowledge.

© 2015 The Authors. Sociology of Health & Illness published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Foundation for SHIL.

 

Source: Lian OS, Bondevik H. Medical constructions of long-term exhaustion, past and present. Sociol Health Illn. 2015 Jul;37(6):920-35. doi: 10.1111/1467-9566.12249. Epub 2015 Apr 24. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25912053

 

“United We Stand”: Framing Myalgic Encephalomyelitis in a Virtual Symbolic Community

Abstract:

In this article, we report on a study that seeks to explore how the contested chronic condition myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME), one of the current medical diagnoses for medically unexplained long-term exhaustion, is negotiated within the context of Norwegian internet sites.

From an analysis of discussions on 14 internet forums sustained by and for people living with ME, we seek to understand how their online activity sustains a virtual symbolic community (VSC).

After exploring the content on these sites, we identified four discursive domains, or fields of conversation, that are demarcated by a discursive frame, or norms, values, and goals that define and reinforce the boundaries of the community. Interpreting discursive domains and their discursive frame provides insight not only to the culture of the ME VSC but also to its role in an international social health movement, including its potential for becoming politically influential.

© The Author(s) 2014.

 

Source: Lian OS, Nettleton S. “United We Stand”: Framing Myalgic Encephalomyelitis in a Virtual Symbolic Community. Qual Health Res. 2015 Oct;25(10):1383-94. doi: 10.1177/1049732314562893. Epub 2014 Dec 8. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25488934